Invisible Children, but not Invisible Charities

By , Princeton, NJ
Based on the title, most would know what this article is about. Jason Russell’s video, “Kony 2012” has become the most viral video created. It has had hundreds of millions of views in less than a week. The video, a documentary on Joseph Kony and his atrocities, has been seen and reacted to worldwide. However, after the initial craze of the video’s release, the world’s obsession with Joseph Kony has died down, and a new wave of facts has come through. Now, there is a new surge of evidence that supports the idea that Jason Russell’s video and the entire “Invisible Children” foundation are fallacious. Not that these programs are complete lies, but their true intentions may be hidden.

When I first watched the video, there was one thought that stood out to me. There are dozens of child soldier armies dotted around Africa, especially in the Uganda-Sudan region. In fact, Kony is retired. He no longer leads an army and kidnaps children. Why don’t these child-soldier armies gain any recognition? What makes Kony deserving of an hour-long viral video while other similar organizations are left hidden from publicity? If the true intentions of the Invisible Children foundation are to expose those denying children their basic human rights, these other child-soldier armies should have been mentioned in the “Kony 2012” video. There must me some deeper goals of the Invisible Children, beyond aiding the children in Uganda.
After doing a bit of research, I found additional facts that bring to light the true intentions of the Invisible Children Foundation. The Invisible Children charity is described by a Yale political science professor as “misleading,” “naïve”, and “dangerous.” Charity Navigator rates the charity as a two-star rating, as the charity is in no way transparent. There is practically no way for the donator to see where their money goes. In a recent study, only about 31% of the funds from each donator actually reach Uganda.

Facts have also been proclaimed that question those given in the “Kony 2012” video. Several sources say Kony has ended his atrocities several years ago and has gone into hiding since. Kony has also left Uganda, and so the fact that Jason Russell would like to send U.S. soldiers to Uganda to find Kony is misleading. There is also absolutely no evidence to support the fact that 30,000 Ugandan children are missing to Kony’s forces.

Not only is the physical evidence unsupported, but the political facts surrounding the Invisible Children are questionable. The foundation is mainly funded and supported b strong right-wing politicians, but this makes no logical sense if the intentions of the Invisible Children are to end the atrocities of Kony and help the Ugandan Children. If the true goals were to support human rights, there should be more balanced support over the two political views, because after all, human rights don’t have much to do with politics. It is quite obvious that this suggests another motive.
All of the previous evidence seems to point to the same conclusion, that the Invisible Children must have some other motive other than aiding the children in
Uganda. After much research and analysis, many sources have arrived at a conclusion. In
2005, a few years before the “Kony 2012” video, oil was found in Uganda. Tullow Oil is the leader of oil drilling in Uganda, and this face leads to much interesting evidence.
Chase Bank, a major supporter of Invisible Children, is also a major investment banker of Tullow Oil. Exxon Mobile, a partner in oil drilling in Uganda, also has strong ties with
Chase Bank. Oil is the reason that the Kony 2012 video was made. This is the reason why Jason Russell and Invisible Children want the president to send military support to Uganda; not to assist in defeating Kony, but to support the oil drilling.
Kony 2012 is a chance for the country to learn. No matter how convincing I may seem, we should not believe everything we see on the internet. We must learn to find the truth before we throw in our money and support.





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